Pornography and feminism

By Ruth Martin

Pornography is defined as "both written and visual material which depict explicit sexual acts" (Hughes 1998, 96). The literal meaning of the word, 'writing about whores', is derived from the word porne which refers to the lowest of prostitutes in Ancient Greece that were made available to all male citizens and were the least protected women (Dworkin 1989, 199). Pornography is also "irrevocably associated with slease, perversity and . . . criminality" (Horrocks 1995, 101). This essay will examine the arguments that surround the pornography debate. Pornography has been a very potent and highly discussed issue for feminists, as some feminists think that pornography represents "the inherent depravity of male lust" and that it is a "demeaning patriarchal view of women" (Horrocks 1995, 101). Other feminists and media theorists believe this negative view of pornography is misguided. An analysis of several examples of pornography will show to what extent these 'texts' support men's power over women.

The central issues to the antipornography/procensorship feminist theory is that pornography is a form of violence against women (Lumby 1997, 98). They believe that all pornography, in all forms, is misogynistic and promotes this message to its viewers (Strossen 1995, 142). They believe that pornography degrades women, incites male violence against women and is a male invention designed to dehumanise women by reducing them to an object of sexual access (Abramson and Pinkerton 1995, 181).

The existence of pornography, antipornography feminists maintain, does not protect women from exploitation, but reinforces the idea to men that all women's bodies are available to them like commodities and that this encourages men to rape (Scutt 1994, 170; Abramson and Pinkerton 1995, 181). They believe that practices like rape and pornography express and actualise men's power over women as this degradation is designed to intimidate and inspire fear in women (MacKinnon 1997, 351; Abramson and Pinkerton 1995, 181). Some research suggests that "one-third of sex offenders utilise pornography directly prior to or during their crime" that fuels the antipornography feminist's argument that pornography is a form of 'representational violence' which compels men to commit violence against women in real life (Wilson 1995, 38; Lumby 1997, 98). They also claim that women within the industry are subjected to objectification and physical harm as well as stereotyping all women to certain notion of womanhood that can harm all women (Scutt 1994, 165).

For antipornography feminists, Linda Marchiano (aka Linda Lovelace) is a prime example of how pornography can harm the women involved (Scutt 1994, 165). Marchiano was forced into pornography by her husband, in which she starred in Deep Throat (Scutt 1994, 168). She claims that many women are forced into pornography and prostitution, and many of these women are killed (Scutt 1994, 168). The organisation of society encourages male domination of women which antipornography feminists argue that the dominant group in society, men, are refusing to listen to the majority of the population - women (Scutt 1994, 166).

Andrea Dworkin and Catherine MacKinnon, two major players in the antipornography side of the pornography debate, claim that pornography is central in creating and maintaining women's inferior social status which infringes on the civil rights of womnen (Scutt 1994, 174). They define pornography as "the sexually explicit subordination of women through pictures and/or words" (Strossen 1995, 59). Dworkin maintains that pornography is a system of exploitation that creates inequality and abuse for women that is sexual in nature (Abramson and Pinkerton 1995, 182). Dworkin contends that "the state has constructed the social, economic and political reality in which the sale of some sexual capacity is necessary to the survival of the woman" (Scutt 1994, 173). She believes that the fundamental basis of patriarchy is to control women's sexuality (Kelly 1997, 351).

MacKinnon contends that with the increased entry of women into the public sphere of work and revival of feminist campaigning for sexual equality, the mass media responded by the public sexualisation of women (Kelly 1997, 347). This was also noticed by Diana Russell and Laura Lederer as the increased sale, availability and acceptability of pornography as a patriarchal response to campains for women's liberation(Kelly 1997, 347). In 1984, Dworkin and MacKinnon introduced the 'Minneapolis Ordinance', which allowed women to prosecute on the basis that the prosecution was harmed by the display of the image of women's sexuality that is portrayed (Smyth 1997, 363).

In patriarchal society, pornography can be seen as a 'phallic put-down[s]'; however, it can also be viewed as a mainfestation of female power (Horrocks 1995, 119). The prosexuality/anticensorship feminists and media theorists believe that antipornography feminists wrongly emphasise pornography as the cause of women's opression (Juffer 1998, 12). Antipornography feminist legislation has been criticised as being a cheap diversion from facing the serious issues, and conducts very little social analysis of the violence and oppression, that women face (Segal 1997, 373; Shrage 1994, 79).

As for the violence that pornography supposedly incites, by turning all men into victimisers/rapists/child molesters (Juffer 1998, 1), Alison King maintains that there is no direct relationship between consumption and level of use of pornography, the frequency of sex crimes or degree of violence amongst sex offenders (Wilson 1995, 39). Some research indicates that sex offenders are invariably exposed to less pornography than the average male and are more attracted to gory crime, detective magazines and retail store catalogues modelling children in underwear than commercial pornography. This implies that it is in the interpretation of the text that is being read. (Wilson 1995, 39).

Antipornography feminists are also condemned for using Marchiano's experience in the pornography industry as the norm for women in pornography. Prosexuality feminists point out that her violent experience was due to domestic violence in her marriage and not of the people in the industry. In fact, Marchiano's experience in Deep Throat empowered her to leave her abusive marriage (McClintock 1992, 128-129). Her experiences do not represent what happens to all women within the industry (Strossen 1995, 183). Prosexuality feminists maintain that antipornography feminists perpetuate a 'neo-Victorian' view of women as not being sexual unless men have had their influence over them and reinforcing the idea that women should be relegated to the private sphere, protected from the sexually explicit (Horrocks 1995, 102; Juffer 1998, 4).

Furthermore, antipornography feminists have very narrow view of pornography and a very broad definition for it that has potential to further marginalise groups that face existing societal hostilities, such as gays, lesbians, bisexuals, women of colour and working-class women as well as suppress virtually all sexually explicit materials (Horrocks 1995, 102; Shrage 1994, 79; Strossen 1995, 59-60). Gayle Rubin states that the antipornography and anti-S/M rhetoric within the women's movement can easily become a witch hunt of already marginalised people (Shrage 1994, 79-80). At the time when Dworkin and MacKinnon were campaigning, there was an openness in discussion of lesbian feminism (Smyth 1997, 367), antipornography campaigning hampered the new demand for sexually explicit lesbian material, very important in allowing lesbians to explore their sexuality as it is a great asset for lesbian,gay and bisexual people (Smyth 1997, 367; Strossen 1995, 167-168). Antipornography feminists, furthermore, demonise heterosexual desire and pleasure as a manifestation of male pleasure (Segal 1997, 317).

On the other hand, prosexuality feminists celebrate women's ability to appropriate any kind of pornographic text for their own pleasure (Juffer 1998, 4). This is demonstrated by lesbians and bisexuals that appropriate male heterosexual pornography for their own purposes as they may not be able to access lesbian pornography (Strossen 1995, 168). It is a mistake of the antipornography feminists to assume that pornography only appeals to men whilst it appeals to both the sexes (Strossen 1995, 142-143). Women (singlely or in a couple) constitute more than forty per cent of adult videotape rental audience and are becoming more involved n the production of erotic materials that aim for female audiences (Strossen 1995, 144). Prosexuality feminists advocate the need to challenge the central ideologies about sexuality in society, explore the importance of women's sexual pleasure and a thorough investigation into the sexual danger that women contend with to deal with them properly (Sargent, Nilan and Winter 1998, 126).

When viewing or reading pornography, it is important to consider that each individual has their own interpretation of the pornography being consumed (Horrocks 1995, 119). This interpretation is dependent on factors such as political views, personal history and attitudes towards the opposite sex (Horrocks 1995, 119). I will analyse three examples of pornography from both antipornography and prosexuality feminists perspectives.

The first example is from the Australasian Sexpaper entitled 'Melbourne Cup Day' (1998, No.86, 29-33). It depicts Marjorie, an upper class woman in her early thirties at the racetrack masturbating in a tent with a large dildo. Her lips are overaccentuated with pink lipstick in an attempt to make them look fuller and she has a look of intense enjoyment. The pictures could be taken as just a woman pleasuring herself in the privacy of her own home, until the blurb that goes along with it is read. Marjorie is in a tent and is found by men 'in suits' and eventually other women, pleasuring herself. The blurb uses Melbourne Cup metaphors such as "be first to the winning post".

From an antipornography feminist perspective, Marjorie is an object of male sexual gratification that is readily available (Scutt 1994, 170). Dworkin claims pornography expresses male power, which in relation to Marjorie's circumstance, means that in Dworkin's view she is vulnerable to the voyuerism of the men described and of the (presumably male) reader (Dworkin 1989, 24). Marjorie is referred to as a "mare" that is for inspection by "[raising] her hocks up' in which she is using a dildo anally. This dehumanises the women, as Susan Griffiths states that in porngraphy:

"...she is not human. Her hands pull apart the lips of her vagina, the same way a man might pull up the lips of a horse at auction . . . She shows her goods." (Hardy 1998,59, my emphasis)

From a prosexuality perspective, the blurb about Marjorie incorporates bisexual and lesbian overtones rather than an exclusively heterosexual description and makes this text easier for women to appropriate for their own pleasures (Juffer 1998, 4). As for the extent that this text supports men's power over women, men seem to be 'second place' to the women of Marjorie's spectators and claims that they have "undersized cocks" tend to support this lower ranking. Horrocks (1995, 103) states that pornography "fetishizes male lonliness, inadequacy and impotentence" in the same way that antipornography feminists claim that the female body is fetishized through this medium.

The second example is from Hustler, entitled "Sylvia and Devon: Sun Strokers" (2001, 6, 5, 50-58). This couple are in their early thirties and are middle to upper class. Throughout the montage, they are engaged in mostly vaginal, intercourse, fellatio and cunnilingus. They are also outdoors in the sun.

From an antipornography feminist's view, sexual intercourse in this heterosexual context constitutes male power, as the act of the penis penetrating the vagina is a symbol of male conquering the female (Dworkin 1989, 23). Dworkin (1989, 23) states:

"Fucking - the penis thrusting - is the magical, hidden meaning of 'it,' the reason for sex, the expansive experience through which the male realizes his sexual power . . . The woman is acted on; the man acts and through action expresses sexual power, the power of masculinity."

In this montage, the woman is either being penetrated, giving fellatio or is being ejaculated over. McClintock (1992, 122-123) maintains that ejaculation in pornography, or 'money shot', lessens the scrutiny of the male genitalia by placing the woman in a place of submission "beneath the visual logic of male pleasure" in which the man exerts his power.

From a prosexuality feminist point of view, again this montage can be enjoyed by women easily (Juffer 1998, 4). Whilst the man is penetrating the woman regularly, he is also pleasuring her by sucking on her nipples and giving cunnilingus. They are also in a '69' position, in which pleasure is being dealt out equally. An alternative view on penetration to an antipornography feminist perspective is the active and passive desire of the couple (Cowie 1992, 141). Penetration of the female can be seen as either active, by appropriating the penis, or passive by receiving the penis (Cowie 1992, 141).

The third example is also in Hustler entitled "Mia and Zandy: Carnal Take Over" (2001, 6, 5, 72-82). This montage features two business women, one in her early twenties and the other in her late twenties. They perform mutual cunnilingus on each other and one uses a dildo on the other woman. The blurb states that these two women, both managing companies that deal in the sale of sex toys, are in "tense negotiations" and that one woman wants to convince the other to go into business with her by showing her company's latest vibrator.

From an antipornography feminist perspective, even though there is not male in the montage as with the second example, the two women acting out their lesbian or bisexual desires with each other is another expression of male power subordinating women (Dworkin 1989, 46). Dworkin (1989, 6) states that the women are presented in such a way that the (again, presumably male) reader is not excluded, for example when a women is giving cunnilingus to another women her genitalia is exposed as to be inviting to the male to 'claim' it, in what seemt be a female-only transaction. This is evident in this montage as well as the other woman spreading the other's labia for the reader's close up (without cunnilingus). Furthermore, she claims that spiked heels represent 'cruelty' of the lesbian as the 'quintessential castrator' as well as being a symbol of male power by subordinating women to 'male-dictated' fashion (Dworkin 1989, 46). In this example, only one woman is wearing spiked heels. The woman that is penetrated by the vibrator vaginally by the other woman is the one that is wearing the spiked heels. This can be read as the vibrator, the phallic symbol, redefines the male power by means of penetration that disables the 'castrator'.

From a prosexuality perspective, this lesbian montage in a magazine that is aimed for heterosexual men is that it is easily accessible for women who cannot access lesbian pornography (Strossen 1995, 168). This lesbian imagery is a source of liberation for some women from repressions such as family, marriage, monogamy and compulsory heterosexuality (West 1989, 108). The montage shows for a majority of the time, that the women are gaining pleasure from clitoral stimulation. McClintock (1992, 127) states that the stimulation of the clitoris that is portrayed in pornography 'is to refuse the primacy of the penis'. To address the extent of this example supports men's power over women, this montage puts the power in these women's hands and dispels the notion of the superior orgasm as the vaginal orgasm that has been proposed by many male sexologists and psychoanalyists in the history of sexuality (McClintock 1992, 116-120).

This essay has shown both the antipornography feminist and prosexuality feminist side of the pornography debate. The antipornography feminists hold that pornography causes male sexual violence and is an expression of male domination over women. They believe the subordination fo women in pornography sends a message to men that this acceptable and this standard is transferred onto all women. The prosexuality feminists state that these ideas are too simplistic. Prosexuality feminists state that the antipornography feminist campaign demonises heterosexuality, further marginalises groups in society such as gays, lesbians and bisexuals and would eliminate anything that is hinting at sexual explicitness. They propose that these is a need to challenge the central ideologies about sexuality in society, explore the importance of women's sexual pleasure and a thorough investigation into the sexual danger that women contend with to deal with them properly. This essay has analysed three examples of pornography from both antipornography and prosexuality feminists perspectives to determine what extent these examples support men's power over women. In each case, the extent of support of men's power over women is determined ultimately by the reader in his or her interpretation. This depends on factors such as political views, personal history and attitudes towards the opposite sex.

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Copyright (c) 2001 Ruth Martin

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